Saturday, October 19, 2013

Capital Punishment

Here is a couple articles on Capital Punishment in recent news:
Iraq Execution
Texas Drugs
Maryland
Catholic
Error

I made up all the titles.

The 'Iraq Execution' article shows the U.N. condemns use of the death penalty, especially on the scale that Iraq used it just recently.

The article 'Texas Drugs' illustrates the sometimes less-than-ideal ways in which proponents of Capital Punishment seek to administer the death penalty. This shows a situation in which the execution itself could become increasingly inhumane.

The article titled 'Maryland' details a desire to end Capital Punishment in Maryland.

The article titled 'Catholic' shows how devout Catholics, who are usually very conservative, are increasingly becoming opposed to Capital Punishment.

'Error' details how our justice system does indeed make mistakes.

Now, on to my main points regarding Capital Punishment.

In sum, I think Capital Punishment is bad.

(1)Now, the most important question regarding capital punishment is a question regarding the whole of our justice system. The question is: What is the purpose of incarceration, and subsequent punishment, of criminals? The primary purpose of correctional institutions in any democratic nation is rehabilitation. Though secondary purposes, such as protection for/from society, exist, criminals ideally should be free once they have been 'fixed'. Violent criminals should be free from prison once they are sane again - once they are no longer unstable and deemed healthy. In an ideal system, the justice system would be based entirely off rehabilitation.

Tangentially, when I say healthy and fixed I am relying on the presumption that one needs to be mentally abnormal in order to commit insidious crimes such as rape and murder. Healthy people don't kill people intentionally.

For an example, say a criminal commits murder. They then get caught and convicted. They get sentenced to life in prison without chance of parole. Twenty years into their sentence, they have learned their lesson. The criminal has repented, realized the error in their ways, and is never going to commit another heinous act again. Obviously, if society knows all the information aforementioned, then I can't see any reason why the criminal should stay in prison. Keeping them locked up proves nothing. Their doesn't seem to be any rational argument to keep them locked up given these circumstances. Therefore, in an ideal system, the once-murderer should be set free and reintroduced into society.

The problem arises when society doesn't know if the murderer is in fact cured. This is why our society has introduced arbitrary sentencing times. This is why a burglar gets less time than a murderer. To realize the error of burgling, and recovering appropriately, takes less time than doing the same for murdering. The problem that our society has is it sometimes focuses only on the punishment itself, not the purpose of the punishment. Sometimes we sentence people, who are perfectly capable of rehabilitation, to cruel or unusual punishments just to spite the person. We get caught up in the moment and forget the overall point of the system: rehabilitation.

By definition, Capital Punishment, and to some extent life without parole, is pointless. Capital Punishment, because it literally prevents the criminal from reforming, doesn't serve a purpose. It is the embodiment of unusual punishment because it is a punishment that serves no point.

(2)A counter-argument to my claim is that we sentence violent criminals to protect the rest of society. If that is the sole reason we sentence violent criminals, then it would make sense to keep them incarcerated for as long as possible.

The flaw in the logical, simply put, is the criminals are being punished for something they have yet to do. They are being sentenced for longer times than needed because when they get out they have a higher potential to commit crimes. Notice, they have a higher potential to commit crimes, which does not mean they will commit crimes.

Basically, if you punish a prisoner, by sentencing them to a longer than needed sentence, you are punishing them twice. Once for what they did, and once for what they may do after they get out. Punishing someone for what they may do, even if the person has a higher than average chance of doing it, is inherently problematic. It creates a standard to punish others for what they may do, based purely on the statistical likelihood of them doing it.

In English 11 last year, I satirically used similar logic (or pseudo-logic rather), though brought to an extreme, to justify incarcerating large portions of our population. Here is some of that article:

The Federal prisons system has the most people in correctional facilities per capita in the whole world. This means that we are doing a great job keeping criminals off the streets. One can logically conclude that this means that our country has the lowest crime rates in the world and ergo the safest country in the world. However, statistically speaking, this is not true. Among other similarly, both technologically and socially, advanced countries, our violent crime rate is below only Australia. So, our problem is now two-fold: we have a exponentially increasing prisoner population, and we have to deal with a high violent crime rate. The reasonable answer to this dilemma is to both incarcerate more prisoners and to keep them in there for a longer time, while simultaneously building bigger and stronger correctional institutes. Once you commit a crime you are always a criminal. Therefore, you are always dangerous to society. The longer you stay in prison the more safe everyone else will be.

Some crazy nut-jobs argue that we should put people in different prisons for different crimes. (i.e. if you commit a violent crime you go to prison, whereas if you say shoplift you would only have to pay fines and restitution) I’m here to say that any and all arguments in support of this Ideology are completely and totally fallacious. One only needs simple common sense to see the falsehoods in the aforementioned idea. Let me give you this simple scenario to show you to my way of thinking: If a person steals a packet of gum, knowing full well that stealing is illegal, they did willfully and maliciously break the law. These same laws are what keep the fabric of society intact. If said person can, without remorse or regret, commit such an act, then no personal moral ideals exist in sufficient enough quantity to stop them from committing much more serious crimes, such as murder or assault. Therefore, all criminals should be treated with the same harshness as the worst offenders: mass murderers and the like. Because if one can commit one crime then no personal moral ethics will stop them from committing another. Although stealing gum is not as serious as committing murder, I consider it an investment to lock up everyone who has even a remote possibility of murdering somebody.

The offspring of those who a currently, or have at one point or another, served a sentence in prison have a higher incarceration rate when compared to the rest of the general population. So, it’s only obvious that we need to do something about the sons and daughters of criminals. Well, because improving their lot in life, by providing funds towards education and other social welfare projects, would be simply ridiculous, the only reasonable solution left is to imprison these children. They could potentially threaten other people. I consider it a preemptive imprisonment for crimes which they have yet to commit. My opponents argue that we should only imprison the appropriate amount of these children. The appropriate amount being the percentage of them that are likely to commit crimes. However, I reason, that the only way to stop the offspring from committing crimes is to incarcerate all of them. That way we can be 100% sure that there isn’t even a possibility for them to wreak havoc upon society. The best way to combat crime is through prevention. Using this same principle, I can also conclude that we also need to imprison all peoples whose income is less than the national median income, all immigrants, and the state of Louisiana. These different groups all have higher crime rates than the national average and therefore should be imprisoned for it.

As you can see, it is fallacious to use statistical likelihood to justify imprisonment.

(3)On yet another point, even if it were reasonable to imprison those who have yet to do something - which it isn't - the way it is decided whether or not a person has a higher chance to commit crimes is inherently flawed. It is based on society's view of the subject in question. Though we like to pretend that humans are inherently reasonable and logical all the time, often times we are persuaded by sensationalism and other corrupt arguments from pathos.

Arguments from pathos are present in our courtrooms. Now, not all arguments using mankind's emotional responses are egregious. Though, of the three different modes of argument - pathos, ethos, and logos - pathos is the most easily corruptible. It is also the most effective at generating a response. Because of the effectiveness of arguments appealing to people's emotions, the arguments involving pathos as the center-piece of the argument are commonly used in the courtroom.

Since the objective of both the prosecution and the defense is to most effectively convince the jury, the adept lawyer disregards all arguments against their own. They don't present all the evidence; only the evidence that furthers their own cause. The adept attorney will sometimes intentionally commit logical fallacies or distort facts in order to further their own ends. Since the majority of the jury may be ignorant, they are then persuaded by the brute emotional response that they have.

Now, if the system works, meaning both the defense and prosecution have equally eloquent attorneys, then there is no problem. The two lawyer's fallacies cancel each other out, or neither lawyer commits to using fallacious reasoning out of fear of being called out on it.

The problem arises when both attorneys aren't equally matched. If that happens, for whatever reason, the actual truth of the trail becomes insignificant, or at least less significant. Which is one reason why more serious crimes require a greater amount - that is a more convincing amount - of evidence.

Another reason more serious crimes should require more evidence is the fact that more serious crimes permit more serious punishment. When the state punishes someone, for whatever crime, they are essentially revoking something from that person. Whether the thing revoked be time, money, community service, etc, it doesn't matter. The more one revokes from that person, the more possible detriment that person endures. The greater detriment that person endures the more possible error in the states justice is possible. The state wants to minimize the amount of error it produces within the criminal justice system. Since being wrong - that is giving the wrong verdict - on a serious crime has the possibility to produce more error when compared to a less serious crime, the requirements to incarcerate serious criminals is therefore more stringent.

Also, the sentencing shouldn't be reliant on the jury answering correctly necessarily. Thus, sentences that do rely on absolute correctness, that is sentences that are themselves absolutes, shouldn't be permitted - unless you're willing to make the argument that juries are never wrong. The death penalty, and to some extent life imprisonment, is an absolute punishment. It takes away everything the murderer has. With respects to the murderer, it revokes an infinite amount from him. Ergo, unless the juries never answer incorrectly, the death penalty cannot be allowed.

In other words, if the possible amount of error is infinite, as is the case in Capital Punishment, then the certainty required to justly incarcerate murderers is absolute. Absolute punishment requires absolute certainty.

Basically, if you are to sentence someone to an absolute, like the death penalty, you have to be absolutely sure they in fact did what they are being punished for. Our system, and any system for that matter, can't accomplish perfection, even one-time perfection. The amount of proof required increases with both the severity of crime and punishment. If the punishment is lenient, then the amount of proof is lenient. If the punishment is an absolute, then the amount of proof is absolute.

Really, it's better to let 100, or even 1000, guilty people go, than incarcerate one innocent person, if the punishment is death. The detriment towards society that will occur by letting guilty people go is a lesser negative than the absolute detriment that occurs when an innocent person is killed.

(4)Capital Punishment doesn't, by enlarge, deter crime.

In states without the death penalty the crime rates are significantly lower than states with the death penalty. Though this doesn't suggest keeping the death penalty raises crime rates, it merely suggests that if a state were to abolish the death penalty, they wouldn't experience a large increase of crime.

According to the ACLU, when a survey conducted questioning police chiefs throughout our country to rank the most effective factors that, in their opinion, contributed to decreased crime rates, the death penalty was ranked last. It was behind longer sentences, gun control, more police officers, curbing drug use, among others. Which shows that if one desires to decrease crime rates, the death penalty is the least effective means by which to do so.

Violent crimes, and murders in specific, can be divided into two different categories. Those which are premeditated and those which aren't.

If a crime is premeditated it means it has been thought out prior to when the crime is committed. Literally, that is what premeditated means. Criminals, by enlarge, don't premeditate their crimes with the intention of being caught. They plan on getting away with their crimes most of the time. Therefore, since the intention of the criminal is to escape, the difference between Capital Punishment and life imprisonment doesn't matter. The criminal plans on escaping anyway so why bother with worrying about the punishment.

If the crime isn't premeditated, then most likely the reason the murderer murders is to satisfy a barbaric urge to give in to emotional distress. The higher cognitive functions of the murderer are suspended. Basically, the murderer loses their cool. If the higher cognitive functions, such as reason and logic, of the murderer are suspended, then the murder doesn't consider adequately the negative repercussions of the murder they are about to commit. Hence, they will not consider the death penalty when committing the murder, at least not adequately. If they don't consider the repercussions, then there isn't a possible way for the death penalty to deter that particular murder.

A third set of circumstances exists. If the criminal does premeditate their crime yet expects to get caught, which happens incredibly rarely, then most likely the criminal intends to become a martyr or is insane. If they are insane, then it is already unconstitutional for us to kill them. If they wish to go down as a martyr, then likely Capital Punishment is expected and they are willing to die for their ideology. Hence, under neither circumstance does Capital Punishment deter a crime.

There are circumstances in which Capital Punishment actually causes more deaths to occur (besides the murderers). In 1996, Daniel Colwell, who suffers from a mental illness, kill random individuals in a Georgia parking lot because he wanted to die. He was to afraid to take his own life so he had the state do it for him.

(5)Capital Punishment is contrary to the 'unalienable' rights that we fought for in the Revolutionary War. In the Declaration of Independence, we declare that Great Britain violated the basic human rights everyone possesses, and they violated the social contract between themselves and us, thus they were no longer fit to govern over us. Ideologically, they breached the social contract and that breach gave us the right to overthrow them. We fought a war over what we perceived as an infringement upon our rights. Now, this relates to Capital punishment because among the rights endowed by our creator - the rights possessed by everyone regardless of creed, sex, economic background, philosophical ideology, etc - is the right to Life. The right to Life is unalienable - that is the literal right to Live. Nothing - no entity, government, organization, or person - has the right to take away the right to Live.

In the Bill of Rights, in our Constitution, we are guaranteed specific rights. These rights are given to us by the government in exchange for the governments sovereign over us. It's a social contract. Now, the Constitution doesn't explicitly state people have a right to live because the government doesn't have the authority to give that right. The right to live is unalienable. Hence, since the government never possessed the ability to endow people with the right to live, the government also doesn't have the authority to take that right away.

In the 5th amendment to our constitution, it states:
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence(sic) to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
Notice that is states, "nor shall they (the defendant) be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." This clause does not invalidate my point, nor does the clause indicating, "No person should be held to answer for a Capital..." Though both clauses imply that Capital Punishment is possible under our Constitution, indeed it is possible, neither clause states it as a necessity.

Of the three terms in the 'Life Liberty and Property' clause two of them, liberty and property were chosen for, presumably, a reason. They did not say 'pursuit of happiness' because the pursuit of happiness is an extremely ambiguous term. The pursuit of happiness is also an ideological term - a philosophical one. They used property, among other words, to cement the Constitution to the political environment of the day; to put the abstract idea, originally from Locke, into a practical form. To disambiguate the supreme law of the land just to the point where it becomes practical. By doing so, they also, as a result, tied the Constitution, in some ways, to what the social norms of the day were. Social norms progress as history progresses. Therefore, right and wrong - at least in some respects - is different now than it was then. Ergo, a completely Originalist approach to the Constitution is absurd. Because the Originalist approach may be erroneous in some respects, it isn't wise to simply take everything in the Constitution literally without any interpretation. The interpretation should thus be comprehensive and take into account the morals of our time. It should take into account the norms surrounding us just as the Constitution was drafted to take into account the norms surrounding their time. Just because the Constitution hints at the possibility for the death penalty - though never explicitly stating that Capital Punishment ought to be used - doesn't mean we should use Capital punishment blindly as the abhorrence of Capital Punishment should never be considered a solution to anything, regardless of how heinous the crime may be.

The liberty which the constitution endows us with is the only liberty that the Constitution can endow us with: Positive Liberty. Positive Liberty (which is the technical term) is, in sum, the right to be oneself's own master. The freedom to control your own life. Positive Liberty contrasts with Negative Liberty. Negative Liberty is, in sum, the ability to not be a slave. The right to be free of others domination over you. Everyone, regardless of anything, is born with Negative Liberty. Negative Liberty is unalienable. It is impossible to legitimately revoke someone's Negative Liberty. People always possess the freedom to escape domination. Through coercion, one may force others into slavery, thus taking away their Negative Liberty. However both the act of coercion and consequential repeal of said person's Negative Liberty are crimes against humanity. No matter what entity commits the coercion and eventual de-liberation, the result is the same. The entity violated the unalienable rights of humans and therefore committed an abhorrent crime against humanity itself.

The term pursuit of happiness, in addition to the tone of the rest of the Declaration of Independence, leads me to believe the Declaration was written in a much more ideological frame of mind than the more pragmatic Constitution. The Constitution had to be grounded whereas the Declaration did not. Thus, because the Declaration was written more in the abstract, it wouldn't be fallacious to say most probably the other two terms - Life and Liberty - were also meant to be on the abstract side of things. They were written in the ideal. They were phrased that way to highlight what the ultimate goal is - what the ideal unalienable rights are. The right to Live is unalienable, the right to Negative Liberty (that's the technical term) is unalienable, and the right to pursue your own happiness - provided it doesn't violate John Stuart Mill's Harm Principle - is unalienable.

In sum, the three rights guaranteed in the Declaration are unalienable. In fact, they technically don't even need to be guaranteed, as they are inherent in all humans. The three rights in the Declaration guaranteed are as follows: the right to Live, Negative Liberty, and the pursuit to become happy within the restraints of society. The three rights in the Fifth Amendment are as follows: the right to live your life as you see prudent - the right to determine your own livelihood, Positive Liberty, and property - your possessions. The three rights in the Fifth amendment are all rights that can be taken away if the Social Contract is violated; the three in the Declaration are indeed unalienable.

Just because the Declaration was abstract then doesn't mean it has to still be purely abstract now. I am not stating that I want the Declaration to be the supreme law of the land. That is absurd. However, the Declaration declares the enlightened philosophy that our Constitution was later based off of. The Declaration declares this philosophy in full force. It wasn't an official law, and thus wasn't subject to realism. It could be as ideological as it wanted. In the time of the Constitution, it was somewhat of a norm to have capital punishment as part of a legal system. So, because the Constitution had to be at least marginally grounded to its time, Capital Punishment was included to be a possibility within the Constitution. However, just because it was at one point Constitutional, doesn't mean Capital Punishment remains constitutional today. The ideological message of the Constitution, and the enlightenment period in general, converted into today's norms, would be contrary to Capital Punishment.

(6)Nowadays, the world (at least the civilized western-style democracies) are overwhelmingly opposed to Capital Punishment. Japan, Belarus, India, and the U.S. are the only western-style democracies in the world to still use Capital Punishment. In the E.U., it is outlawed. No country, except Belarus, in Europe has Capital Punishment. 51% of nations belonging to the U.N. prohibit Capital Punishment. In addition, 4% only allow it during war time, and 25% haven't actually used the death penalty in over ten years. The U.S. belongs to the group of 40 nations (20%) who still use Capital Punishment. Most of these nations are either Despotisms or are in Asia. In Asia the philosophy regarding Capital punishment is different. The U.S. ranks fifth on the list of most people executed per year, behind China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq, but luckily we are ahead of Yemen and North Korea. The U.S., a liberal democracy, is comparable to a monarchy, two theocracies, a dictatorship, an anarchic pseudo-democracy, and an oligarchy. Obviously world-wide the U.S. has fallen behind when it comes to Capital punishment. In fact, we are about twenty years behind the other nations of the world.

These statistics don’t necessarily mean we have to change our Capital Punishment laws, though they do suggest it. They do however mean that the worldwide norm is that of no Capital Punishment. Generally speaking, doing something outside of the norm requires reason. The greater the variation the greater the reason required. We are far outside the norm. Hence, if we are to justify still using the death penalty, then we need quite a large amount of reasoning to back us up. Which has the effect of shifting the burden-of-proof towards those who are defending the death penalty, rather than those trying to change it.

(7)One of the arguments for Capital Punishment involves the differentiation between the definitions of killing and murder. The reason these two terms, according to the argument, is that it isn't ever right to murder but under certain circumstances it is acceptable to kill. The two definitions are as follows: kill is to end the life of someone, murder is the crime of deliberately killing someone. The only impact-ful difference between the definitions is the crime part. One of which, according to the definitions, isn't a crime and the other is a crime. However, both Capital Punishment and murder are crimes because they are both crimes against humanity. Murder also happens to be a crime in most, if not all, states (nations), but the laws which the nations set are insignificant when compared to the laws of humanity.

There is one acceptable circumstance in which killing is admissible. Killing in self-defense isn't bad, though that death has to be in-deliberate  You can't mean to kill someone in self-defense. This doesn't necessarily apply to only people. Any entity with independence of choice, positive liberty, may defend itself. Which, in effect, can authorize defense on the scale of states.

As I said, the laws of humanity outweigh the laws of an individual country. As Capital Punishment is contrary to the law inherent within humans dictating that it is wrong to kill, Capital Punishment is a crime - it's a crime against humanity. Killing deliberately while simultaneously breaking the aforementioned law is murder. Murder, I concur, is always wrong. Therefore Capital Punishment is always wrong.

(8)A contradiction arises if governments do indeed have the ability, or right if you will, to kill its own citizens - not to say that the government is killing at will, there are checks and balances within the system to prevent tyranny.

Still, the ability to use the death penalty creates a huge problem. The problem originates from the location where governments get their power, their right to rule. All government power is derived from the people it governs over. Every single power the government possess is derived from the people in one way or another. If government does indeed have the power of execution, then therefore people have the power of execution in their state of nature. In the state of nature, people may gain retribution for the wrongs done unto them by killing the offender.

Meaning, without government, people may kill other people as punishment. They may do this without breaking any morals, norms, or ethics. They may kill ethically. If the person chooses to kill ethically responsibly, then only a minor problem arises, like if they only kill for something equally detrimental towards themselves - an eye for an eye. However, when people are indeed in their state of nature, they are in effect independent. For a particular individual, the punishment for everything may be death. Hence, one can ethically kill someone else - provided they are in the state of nature - for only a minor infraction.

I don't think anyone would be willing to argue that killing someone for as little as thievery, or the like, is ethical. Indeed it isn't. Therefore, if governments do indeed have the right to execute - that is use Capital Punishment, then the aforementioned scenario has to be true. In order to be ideologically consistent, one who defends Capital Punishment has to be willing to defend that it is ethical to kill someone for as little as thievery if man is in its state of nature.

(conc)In sum, Capital Punishment is an abhorrent antediluvian practice which persists into the modern era despite the obvious ethical, moral, statistical, logical, and effectual deficiencies inherent within it. From a viewpoint of justice, it solves nothing because it is inherently unjust. From the viewpoint of the social contract existing between governments and peoples, it cannot possibly be justified in any logically consistent system as any social contract that allows it is null and void. From the pragmatic viewpoint that Capital Punishment decreases crime rates, the contradictory is true. From the idea that criminals should be kept incarcerated longer than needed purely to satisfy the statistically induced paranoia of some members of our population, it is a fallacious, erroneous, specious, and egregious form of deception to punish twice - once for what has been done, and once for what may become done. From a worldwide perspective, our country is one of the last bastions still engaging in a long-since antiquated form of punishment. From a ethical perspective, it is hypocritical incarnate to do unto one what they have done unto me - two injustices don't synthesize justice. From any reasonable perspective, Capital Punishment is contrary to necessary punishment - it is, by definition, cruel and unusual punishment.

14 comments:

  1. I am not going to try and refute this entire thing. I don't have the time at hand to do so. But I would like to talk about this, and refute parts of it at a time. My first point that I am going to make is this: In 2012 there was a shooting at a theater in Aurora, Colorado. The man who did the shooting, James Holmes, has already been identified by his own attorney as being responsible for the murder of 12 people, with total injuries and fatalities coming up to at least 70, as reported as Good Morning America. You talked in your post about absolute evidence being the only justice for absolute punishment, that is, Capital Punishment. There is absolute evidence that James Holmes performed the massacre. So, according to your argument, it is at this point just to sentence Capital Punishment. And yet only recently has he even started to go to court. This is a year later. I fail to see any sort of justice in a year of waiting. We are promised a fair and speedy trial. I see no "speed" in waiting a year to condemn someone who has absolute evidence enough to sentence. It is my personal opinion, that he should be sentenced to Capital Punishment for what he did. However, I am not saying that just out of spite. I would never want to kill another human being just for the sake of killing. But I do believe in justice. And this would be just. So . . . according to your argument, how is he still alive? What are your views on him and his case?

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  2. Absolute is defined as not diminishing in any way, imdiminishable; it's an infinity in essence (adj)

    It is also defined as a form/idea/material/concept that is universal and viewed without a relation to other things. (noun) If one can view something without relation to some things, then the relationship it has with all things is the same; we are back at an infinity.

    I'm sure you know what absolute means; I'm just making a rhetorical point.

    So, if the amount of evidence that is presented against Holmes is indeed absolute, then, at least with regards to that particular argument, it is acceptable to execute Holmes. However the evidence presented in this case isn't absolute. Evidence can never be absolute.

    A whole case is always assembled from individual pieces of evidence (lawyers affirmation, witnesses, footprints, fingerprints, pleas, testimony, etc; evidence isn't necessarily rational, though it should be). The whole case is also wholly composed from these distinct pieces of evidence. There exists nothing to prosecute the defendant with except evidence. Therefore in order to achieve absolute(infinite, without relationship, imdiminishable) evidence, there literally needs to be such a great quantity of evidence that it is impossible to collect a complete, comprehensive list of all the evidence. Since the evidence in this in this trial is not imdiminishable (absolute), then the certainty of the verdict won't be imdiminishable (absolute); therefore the punishment cannot be imdiminishable (absolute; it is impossible to have a lesser or greater death). Therefore, my argument still holds even in this cherry-picked case.

    In this case in particular, it is true that James Holmes's attorney admitted that Holmes committed the Aurora Shooting. However, that admission is not a guilty plea. Holmes is arguing for Diminished Capacity. Diminished Capacity has been known to lessen the charge of murder to manslaughter, hence getting Holmes out of the Death Penalty. That is probably the most substantial reason why he has yet to stand trial.

    I didn't use the cost argument for a reason. I find the fact that it costs more to execute someone in this country when compared to life imprisonment rather strange. It is a characteristic (not necessarily a flaw though) inherent within the system, not the punishment.

    To be fair, if the whole argument against my point is made purely by use of this example and the circumstances surrounding it, then your reasoning is at least marginally fallacious. It would qualify as some sort of secundum quid, or hasty generalization. Essentially this particular circumstance wherein the defendant admitted to killing the victims is a particularly extreme circumstance and not representative of the whole.

    Why would using the death penalty in this case, or in any case for that matter, be more just than life imprisonment?

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  3. I disagree with you in some points about your definition of absolute. I know we both know what it means, but I believe your declaration of the definition was slightly flawed. Where did you find "it's an infinity in essence" part? I checked multiple websites, including Merriam-Webster, Oxford dictionary, the general google definition, and a couple others and never once found that phrase. Would I be correct to assume that you added that as a point of your own?

    Second, you were completely correct when you said that the arguments for a case were made of separate parts of evidence (lawyer's affirmation, witnesses, footprints, fingerprints, pleas, testimony, etc.), and that fact is not under question. I agree that it is not necessarily rational in all cases, but that it should be, like you said. However, I believe you made a hasty jump when you defined "absolute evidence" as an infinite amount of proof, or so vast it can not be gathered. If there would have to be an infinite amount of proof, nothing could ever be proved absolutely. In fact, we couldn't prove you are human, because while the list of evidences may be too long to accrue in any amount of reasonable time, there would be a finite amount of evidence, since you will not live infinitely long. Would you agree? Therefore, we cannot absolutely know that you are human by your definition.

    Ethan, you are human. That is not under any sort of debate. In fact, I would go as far to say that it is absolutely true. There is no doubt that you are human. And that is what I meant by absolute evidence. There is no doubt, in anyone's mind, that he performed the shooting. That alone is absolute evidence. Absolute truth can, in my own opinion, be defined as a fact that is in all questioning true, and not under any debate. No one is debating if Holmes was the murderer. Therefore, it is, in my opinion, absolute truth.

    I was not trying to make a hasty generalization, and apologize if it seemed that way. I was simply pointing out one example that contradicted your views. Certainly not every case is as clear cut as this one. However, while arguing that I made a jump to conclusions, you forgot to evaluate your own paper. You claimed that "From the pragmatic viewpoint that Capital Punishment decreases crime rates, the contradictory is true." But your only example of this was one cherry-picked story where a man murdered people because he wanted to end his own life, but did not have the strength/courage, if you will, to do it. Your argument for that was at least as marginally fallacious as mine. As for the statistics about capital punishment and crime rates, we both know for a fact that correlation does not prove causation, so while in some cases, not all, higher crime rates exist in countries with capital punishment, we cannot assume automatically that, "From the pragmatic viewpoint that Capital Punishment decreases crime rates, the contradictory is true." There would have to be experiments that are impossible to form.

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  4. And now for your last question. You spoke in your article about the fact that you believed the government did not have the right to strip a man of his right to life. And I agree. Except for this: when you voluntarily take rights away from others, the most extreme of these being life, then you sacrifice your own rights. To what degree is really what is under debate. None of us are debating that some sort of punishment should be levied. Taking someone's life, or multiple people's lives, is the most serious violation of a human's rights that is possible. Would you agree? Now, if we turn to Locke's writing on the purpose of the government, it is to protect the rights of the people. And when those rights are violated, then those who committed the crime just be justly dealt with. I do not find any justice in good citizens paying so that a prisoner can be fed, clothed, watch his TV, workout, and in a current case (also cherry-picked, I will admit completely), have a sex-change because they feel like it is their constitutional right, etc. That is not justice, for any crime, but especially murder. The reason I believe that capital punishment in this, or any case, is just is because of the crime committed. They have taken a life. And when they do that, they must forfeit their own right to live. I am not trying to be bloodthirsty, or even vindictive in any way. The punishment must fit the crime. And the death penalty does fit the crime that taking a life inherently is.

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  5. Absolute is defined as not diminishing in any way, imdiminishable; it's an infinity in essence (adj) The two bits of that definition, "Absolute is defined as not diminishing in any way, imdiminishable," and "it's an infinity in essense," perhaps should have been two distinct sentences to prevent confusion. However, not diminishing in any way and infinity are effectually synonymous. If something is not diminishing in any way it has to be infinite. Take numbers for example. A number is diminishable, that is to become less impressive or less meaningful, if there exists another distinct number that lessens a certain aspect of the number prior. The number 54 is diminished in quantity when compared with the number 55. Therefore the only "number" that is imdiminishable is infinity.

    It is also defined as a form/idea/material/concept that is universal and viewed without a relation to other things. (noun) If one can view something without relation to some(should have said all) things, then the relationship it has with all things is the same; we are back at an infinity. Just to clarify in case of other confusion, the relationship (lack thereof) infinity has with all things is the same because no relationship exists between infinity and all other things. 7/inf and 1/inf both equal zero.

    Hopefully that clears up the definitions. If you still disagree then I suppose our definitions of absolute differ.

    My argument:
    Therefore in order to achieve absolute(infinite, without relationship, imdiminishable) evidence, there literally needs to be such a great quantity of evidence that it is impossible to collect a complete, comprehensive list of all the evidence. Since the evidence in this in this trial is not imdiminishable (absolute), then the certainty of the verdict won't be imdiminishable (absolute); therefore the punishment cannot be imdiminishable (absolute; it is impossible to have a lesser or greater death).
    is fallacious in one regard. When I said "quantity" it should have been both quantity and quality. Absolute isn't specific to purely quantity.

    Technically speaking, It can't be proven absolutely that I am indeed human. Likewise, it can't ever be proven that a person is absolutely worthy of the Death Penalty. Even if the it could be proven absolutely that Holmes did kill those people, which technically it can't, the motives by which he committed those crimes impact the sentencing of said crimes. Whether for or against it, in our system the motives for which we commit crimes plays a sometimes significant impact on the sentencing of the crime. That's just the way it is.

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  6. cont.
    Hence the motives of Holmes also have to be proven absolutely. Therefore, it is impossible to provide adequate evidence at a trail when the punishment is death.

    To address your criticisms of my statement "From the pragmatic viewpoint that Capital Punishment decreases crime rates, the contradictory is true," I think that claim is adequately supported. Essentially, if the contradiction of the statement "Capital Punishment decreases crime rates," is true, then all that needs to be shown is that Capital Punishment doesn't decrease crime rates. It does not need to be argued that Capital Punishment increases crime rates for the aforementioned statement to be true, though that argument could be made. See the following URL for further clarification.
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Square_of_opposition
    I think I gave adequate evidence to support the statement, "Capital Punishment doesn't decrease crime rates." I showed four different circumstances in which a murderer murders and demonstrated through inductive reasoning that under all of those circumstances the murderer wouldn't be deterred by Capital Punishment. In addition, I said that nations without the Death Penalty, and other U.S. states without the Death Penalty, don't have higher crime rates than states with the Death Penalty.

    to be cont, I tired.

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  7. “(1)Now, the most important question regarding capital punishment is a question regarding the whole of our justice system. The question is: What is the purpose of incarceration, and subsequent punishment, of criminals? The primary purpose of correctional institutions in any democratic nation is rehabilitation. Though secondary purposes, such as protection for/from society, exist, criminals ideally should be free once they have been 'fixed'. Violent criminals should be free from prison once they are sane again - once they are no longer unstable and deemed healthy. In an ideal system, the justice system would be based entirely off rehabilitation.”

    This is forebodingly erroneous which makes a lot of your additional points fallacious. It has always been apparent in my mind that anthropic societies have been structured on a kind of trust and government should idealistically be an efficient extension of that trust.

    Let’s look at the origin of society: the man. If we broke up every society in the world (families, cities, nations, et cetera) we would be left with the individual. In this state a man theoretically exists with every inherent liberty (and I’m disregarding the enabling power of union and society for a moment; I’m just talking about rights). This includes the ability to murder, steal, rape, and every other crime that our society has deemed immoral. When two or more individuals unify into one manifestation of society or another, that union is contingent upon the sacrifice of some of these rights, the most prevalent being the liberties that infringe on other liberties (the liberty to murder removes another individual’s right to life, the liberty to steal removes another individual’s right to posses, et cetera). Different societies enforce the sacrifice of these rights in alternate ways. Our society has punishments such as incarceration, frontal lobotomies, and, in some states, capital punishment. Societies like the ancient Greeks were amoral, but still enforced the sacrifice of these rights (lex talionis); therefore they followed the definitive sacrifice of rights that society relies on.

    When a person commits a crime, let’s say in this case it is murder, they prove to their sociological equals (those they coexist with in a society) that they cannot abide by the agreed upon sacrifice of rights; this results in the removal from society to an isolated area. We call these prisons.

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  8. I would argue that this removal is firstly and fore mostly for the further protection of the society. Think of prison as a place you go when you have forfeited your right to coexist with your former equals in society. Your decisions have caused the other members to expel you, not without prior warning; therefore by your own liberties have you forfeited your liberty to exist within that society. I would even say that it is a secondary society imposed on the offender. Your absence from society is, once again, to ensure the rights of your former equals. Their liberties are not contingent on your reformation: you are not a member of that society. I would argue that the repentance of these offenders is a secondary cause because, although beneficial to the society, the liberties of the society are not contingent on the offender’s change. The society could exist in success without the offender ever changing while the society would suffer if the offender was granted use of forbidden rights. It is necessary to remove these cancerous elements from that society to ensure the propagation and progress of that society.

    I am not going to argue with you about the definition of “healthy” in this context. That is another discussion entirely and deals with the pragmatic implication of rehabilitation. I am sure that any discrepancies you and I have about that definition are only superficial.

    In your second argument you make the erroneous point that by imprisoning violent criminals for longer periods of time we are punishing them twice, once for something they have done, and once for something we believe they will do. This relates back to your fallacious idea that the primary reason we incarcerate criminals is primarily their rehabilitation. Your idea rests on the assumption that imprisonment is to benefit first the offender and second the offended. This is not so, for the aforementioned reasons. The repentance of the offender is certainly to be strived for, but society loses nothing in their removal from society; rather, their absence is beneficial due to the omission of danger. If there is a flaw in the incarceration times, it is because, like you said in your first point, there is no concrete way to identify when that true repentance has occurred. Incarceration is a punishment rooted in a lack of trust. The lack of trust is a natural consequence to the violation of trust; therefore, to be reinstated into society (or to be reintroduced to society’s trust) first comes with the consistent proving of that trust. There needs to be some kind of method by which repentance is judged, but since that can’t be completely objective nor can it be completely subjective, there is no pragmatic solution to the judging of the criminal’s change. Since there are no immediate solutions, we take the lesser of two evils (or lesser of two risks) and increase incarceration time. If the offender is subject to the finite nature of man and their paranoid tendencies, well that is just one more natural consequence of having violated society’s trust. Regarding the children of criminal offenders, I feel like your satire did nothing to prove that reduced incarceration times is the correct response, and I don’t quite understand how your reference to arbitrary incarceration times proves that capital punishment is or is not a viable solution.

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  9. Now, there are some who would say at this point that society is granted a certain amount of intuition at this point to stratify which offenders have the potential to repent and which ones will never be safe for existence in society. Going off my earlier argument, the latter of these two could, in theory, be subject to the death penalty because the ends in a scenario of execution and a scenario of life without parole or even solitary confinement are the same: inevitable death without any kind of sociological progress. In theory, execution would only expedite this progress and free up prison space.

    I disagree with this conclusion because of the finite nature of society’s intuition. Relying on human (who are by definition finite beings) intuition or any system of the aforementioned stratification derived from human intuition (because that is, at this juncture, the closest we could get to any system of judgment due to the nebulous nature of the human psyche and its ailments) would assuredly be imperfect. This means that, inevitably, there would be men who would die that would have changed in their lifetimes. To consciously legalize anything that would inevitably lead to the death of someone who was innocent of an unrepentant nature is unjust in every sense of the term. It is murder derived from apathy and laziness and will accumulate in the destruction of that society.

    I believe that if a society, subconsciously or consciously, revokes the right to change (an essential right exemplified in every facet of this universe) that their negligence and unjust impositions will accumulate to climax in the destruction of that society. The power to revoke a person’s right to life is extremely volatile. While I do acknowledge the time and place for it, I do not believe that there are any pragmatic applications of this power to punish that are free from injustice. Until a system comes close, asymptotically close (because we are imperfect of creating a perfect system because, once again, we are by definition imperfect beings), capital punishment is a power that we are not ready to wield: we are not yet ready to handle its implications.

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  10. And I actually wrote most of this above section before reading your third argument. It seems that on that point you and I are in agreement. Absolute punishment should require absolute certainty. Well said.

    I do think there should be some concessions made to Tanner’s concerns, however. I think that Tanner is right: no one thinks that Holmes is innocent. I think where the problem comes in is that what you do to Holmes you are required to make an option for everyone else, namely, there will be some less concrete cases in which the death penalty is an option, and if you make concessions to a system so that Holmes will be executed, sooner or later there will be an innocent man who is subjected to the death penalty due solely to the insufficiency of logos and an excess of pathos. This is finite: this is corruption. Even if it burns your insides to let men like Holmes live, wouldn’t it burn your insides more to know that in your haste to see arbitrary justice served that you inadvertently subjected an innocent man to death? Obviously his blood would not rest solely on your hands due to your ignorance to the future, I should say, all of our ignorance to the future.

    I think your fourth point is interesting, and after thinking it over I think I agree with it. I do, however, think that the counter-argument to your point is one that is primarily born out of an image of strength: people want to know that their nation has teeth. Initially, it seems weak to abstain from executions. I also think that your third scenario, the one about the man killing people in the Georgia parking lot so he could die, is an anomaly. I think premeditation is more common than martyrs, masochists, and any your various assortment of erratic individuals who are suicidal.

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  11. I think your fifth point is, once again, rooted in your idea from the first point. You talk about positive and negative liberty in your argument. What happens when someone infringes upon your negative liberty? You have the right of defense: you are allowed to use your positive liberty to infringe upon their negative liberty to prevent their positive liberties from infringing on your negative liberties. It is the rule of who-started-it, put simplistically. It is a driving force behind justifying wars and militarization. It is the same principle rooted in police force and incarceration. The fundamental law to be pulled from this is that you can use your positive liberty to both increase and decrease your future liberties, both positive and negative. If you have used your positive liberty to infringe on another individual’s negative liberty there is then legitimate justification exists to remove your ability to act in that way. So, in an ideal world where no one seeks ill against another, the right to life is, indeed, totally inalienable; however, once again reconciling our finite state, we must realize that there exists no right that is inalienable in its entirety. There exist plausible situations for which each of the defined inalienable rights is justly subject to revocation. Granted, those situations are anomalies, and using my earlier logic, there is hardly any pragmatic application that wouldn’t result in an eventual conviction of an innocent, so therefore it is unjust to legalize those revocations without the ability to perfectly stratify between the guilty and innocent in all situations. The majority of my objections lie with the assertion that the right to life is totally and without exception inalienable. The defining principle is that, within a society, some liberties must be sacrificed; otherwise there is legitimate justification for the revocation of those rights, including the right to life as long as there is sufficient justification that the only way to ensure the innocent party’s rights can be assured is to the total revocation of every right. Idealistically of course.

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  12. I really think it’s foreboding if you allow international trends to dictate your policies. It seems to dissolve political boundaries, and not in a good way. The only justification we need for any policy is if we can reconcile our consciences as a nation with our decision, and that ought be the only justification sought after (unless of course that decision infringes on another nation’s rights, but considering the fact that capital punishment is a domestic policy, that scenario is irrelevant here). We need to tread softly and try not to step on the minorities. Unless those minorities are criminals. Then they have already lost portions of their liberty due to their own choices (see the preceding paragraph). Your point regarding trends seems like smoke and mirrors to me. Since when did our own personal choice become subject to trend? Ever? When has the right decision ever been a disciple of fads? Did it occur to you that perhaps the deviation from the trend is, in this case, the right choice? I don’t need to explain why idiosyncrasy isn’t a sin. If there is sin within the individual idiosyncrasy, well that is a different issue entirely. But trends should be irrelevant.

    In your seventh point you contradict yourself, at least once you reconcile my refutation of your first point. Your argument is once again, rooted in that initial idea. The justification is, by definition of the legal system, an act rooted in self defense, or at least the preservation of future victims. Once again, if there is a problem with this it is the lack of allowance for change, but Capital Punishment is intended to be a self defending mechanism, and, if perfect, is totally justified. But, just so we are clear, that is in the ideal scenario.

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  13. Your eighth point can, once again, be refuted with the idea that Capital Punishment is rooted in self preservation, not vengeance, justice, not lex talionis. I don’t think there is a majority of people who would vote a vengeance law into place; but, if you view it as a self protection policy, well it just makes pragmatic sense. It all falls down on your first point: whether or not you think the justice system should be firstly a rehabilitation system or a system for the protection of society.

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  14. While I may not agree with some of your individual points, I do believe that right now humanity is incapable of justly handling the power of Capital Punishment. I think that your third argument is probably the deciding factor: you cannot create a system for execution as imperfect humans and expect to not eventually execute someone who is innocent. That is unjust. A counter argument might say the overall preservation and self defense of the nation is worth minor collateral damage. That argument is rooted in dangerous sentiment, one that is apathetic, lazy, unjust, and prone to irrational justification. Sentiment like that destroys a society over time. We must retain our empathy and sense of justice or else we shall fail as a nation. My counter argument to that argument is that the overall preservation of the nation will be but a fickle moment in comparison to the degradation and devolution our society will be subject to if we harbor this sentiment. Capital Punishment has its place, but it is just not right now, not yet.

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